This has got to be one of the best action and true life books I have ever read. The book grabs your attention since page one, and once you start you'll never stop reading. This book covers in great detail the missions of a group of british mercenaries through the war in the ex-Yugoslavia. The book takes you from recce operations behind enemy lines to a full scale attack on the Yugoslav Federal Army near Osijek. This book is a must for anyone trying to understand how and why mercenaries choose this type of work to make a living. Trust me, you'll never regret buying this book.

The book takes you through an indepth account of the lives of these mercenaries. From sleeping in a rat-infested cellar, to surviving being captured by the enemy. The brutality of war in a devided nation can not be better expressed than in this book. The fact that the author collected the material for this book in combat with these men gives the reader a point of view rarely given by an author. The image of the heartless mercenary is shaken as their lives are forever altered in the events of this civil war. Boys seeking for adventure are teamed with hardened war veterans to form an explosive relationship of brutality and compassion.

From page one the narrative never falters and with it the compulsion to keep the pages turning. Although harrowing, the story reveals how and why mercenaries think, operate and deal with events, often earning a pittance for the risks they are forced into taking.... Comparable with Michael Herr's 'Despatches' in my opinion.

As a mixed-ethnicity Bosnian who lived through this war, I must say the editors of this book were extremely well informed.
They present a set of writing from both local and foreign contributors painting a vivid picture of the true events in Bosnia and the surrounding area, as well as international reactions and the complete peace process.
The book was completed in December 1993, and came out on the market in March 1994, so it does not include the events from 1994 and later, which are also critical to understanding the war and its outcome, but I still strongly recommend it, because it is one of the best books on Bosnia of 1990-1993.

As a mixed-ethnicity Bosnian who lived through this war, I must say the editors of this book were extremely well informed.
They present a set of writings from both local and foreign contributors painting a vivid picture of the true events in Bosnia and the surrounding area, as well as international reactions and the complete peace process.
The book was completed in December 1993, and came out on the market in March 1994, so it does not include the events from 1994 and later, which are also critical to understanding the war and its outcome, but I still strongly recommend it, because it is one of the best books on Bosnia of 1990-1993.

An important collection of essays, interviews and literary texts, providing a richly varied introduction to Bosnia's multi-national and multi-cultural society, while chronicling and analysing its internationally sanctioned destruction. An ideal starting point.

The book held my interest throughout. I felt as though I were right there

The story was well written. It held my interest thoughout. I felt as though I was right there.

The Author captured and held my attention from the start to finish. I felt as though I was right there and a part of the story! I actually broke out in sweat several times and yet I have never ever been in a predicament such as described in this book!

i had to write a paper for a geography class and figured why not do it on yugoslavia. while researching, i came across this book, and thought it was a marvelous read. it is a fascinating look at the decline of yugoslavia from Tito, who ran the country remarkably well and who had a miraculously peaceful tenure as "Emperor." then Milosevic showed up and [messed] it all up. the thing i find very excellent about this book is that it describes very well how milosevic got that power. he used nationalism to his advantage to get the serbs behind him. this nationalism lead to the bloody split-up of croatia, slovenia, bosnia-herzegovina, macedonia, and finally kosovo. this book shows one of the best (or worst, depending on how you look at it) examples of nationalism and the effects of nationalism. it is especially good to observe what happened to Milosevic in light of recent events throughout europe, with the hard-right gaining popularity, in such places as Romania, Hungary, and even in more tolerant France and the Netherlands. it is a worthwhile read to observe similarities between what milosevic said and did and what these new right-wing leaders are saying and doing.

This is an excellent book by a Professor of Political Science at Simon Fraser University, British Columbia, Canada. 'International History Review' said of the first edition that it was "far superior in its factual coverage and balance to its various competitors in the field. .. He has told the story as completely and as impartially as we are liable to get." Cohen gives a brief history of Yugoslavia in the first chapter. The rest of the book gives a detailed account of Yugoslavia's breakup and the war.

Yugoslavia existed as a state from 1918 to 1991. Under Tito it had a devolved and federal constitution. This gave parity representation to each of the six republics in the Yugoslav federation, even though Serbia was by far the biggest. Tito selected people for jobs by 'ethnic arithmetic' and rotated top officials annually. But these policies signally failed to unify Yugoslavia. The constitution encouraged those who wanted to split the country. They had a two-track strategy. They aimed to move from federation to confederation as a step towards independence; at the same time they formed separate institutions designed for complete independence.

Outside forces seized on these internal failings. In January 1991 the US and German Ambassadors pressed the Yugoslav National Army not to intervene to keep Croatia in Yugoslavia. In early 1991 Germany and other countries sold arms to Croatia and Slovenia. On 25 June 1991 Croatia and Slovenia unilaterally declared their independence. The Croats were desperate for foreign intervention: "The Tudjman government believed that immediate internationalization of the Yugoslav crisis was absolutely crucial."

When the Yugoslav Government deployed the National Army to hold the country together, the EC secretly threatened to cut off all aid to Yugoslavia. On 4 October 1991, the opening day of the EC Conference, its chairman Lord Carrington presented an agenda "premised on the assumption that Yugoslavia no longer existed." The EC announced that all the Yugoslav republics "are sovereign and independent with international identity". As Cohen wrote, "the EC had apparently made a political decision to dismember the Yugoslav federation." Hurd warned in December 1991 that recognising Croatia and Slovenia would escalate the war. Carrington warned that recognition would weaken diplomatic efforts to achieve a ceasefire and a settlement, and would also spread the war to Bosnia. Despite, or because of, all these good reasons, the EC, including Britain, recognised Croatia and Slovenia in January. The UN did too, despite its "internal divisions about the propriety of intervention in a sovereign state's domestic disputes."

The war did spread to Bosnia. In July 1991 the Moslem Bosnian Organization tried to negotiate a Moslem-Serb accord to prevent war in Bosnia and to preserve Bosnia's territorial integrity. Karadzic accepted this for the Bosnian Serbs, but Izetbegovic, the leader of the Bosnian Muslims, rejected it. Izetbegovic is a member of the fundamentalist 'Fida'iyane Islam', which wants to turn Bosnia into an Islamic Republic, although Muslims are only a third of the population. Bosnia's Prime Minister Haris Silajdzic tried to justify the composition of his government by saying "It is a fact that Moslems make up 99% of the Bosnian defense forces so it is natural that they form the government." In so doing he gave the lie to the nonsense that Bosnia is some form of multicultural democracy. These armed forces have been "strengthened with thousands of volunteers from various Islamic countries" and by illegal arms shipments, often through Slovenia, especially from Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey.

In his 1970 Islamic Declaration, which he reprinted in 1990, Izetbegovic wrote, "The Islamic movement must and can take power not only to destroy the non-Islamic power but to build up a new Islamic one." Cohen noted "the more militant and religiously nationalistic majority in the party led by Alija Izetbegovic (who had spent eight years in jail under the communists for his Islamic fundamentalist beliefs)." Cohen analysed "the role of traditional religions in generating ethnic conflicts" in Yugoslavia.

Again, in February 1992 Izetbegovic sabotaged the Lisbon Agreement for Moslem-Serb-Croat power-sharing. He "later conceded that Bosnia might have avoided a violent war if it had stayed together with Serbia and Montenegro in a reconfigured Yugoslavia." In early 1992 his dash for Bosnian independence was "prompted by the opportunity for quick recognition by the EC." Even the US Ambassador to Yugoslavia called his decision 'disastrous'. Cohen pointed out that "the lack of a political settlement among the major ethnic groups within Bosnia-Herzegovina actually justified postponing recognition of that republic as another new state in April 1992." But the EC and the UN went ahead with recognition. In the autumn of 1993 Bosnian Moslem government forces killed "thousands of civilian Croats in central Bosnia".

The United States has throughout the war campaigned for US intervention. As Cohen pointed out, it used hyperbolic calls of genocide to try to justify intervention. It has vilified the Serbs and whitewashed the Bosnian Moslems and the Croats. To defeat the Serbs, "the United States, though not ostensibly taking sides in the war, had effectively engineered the Moslem-Croat agreement." Cohen showed how "behind the scenes, Washington was gradually expanding its military support for the Moslems and Croats". Clinton approved the initiative of a group of former US military officers to assist Croatia's armed forces.

Cohen finished by writing hopefully, "The imperatives of economic survival and reconstruction, as well as geographic proximity and other earlier interdependencies, suggested that such cooperation would eventually resume despite the recent episodes of terrible, ethnic, religious, and political violence." But there is no chance of this vital peaceful reconstruction happening with 60,000 foreign troops in the country. Their presence will prolong the war in Yugoslavia, and also runs a high risk of spreading it to other countries. It will certainly worsen the tension between the NATO powers and Russia. Bulgaria and Greece will not appreciate the presence of so many NATO troops so near to them.

I really enjoyed this book and I hope it will help me on my Project.

Dubravka Ugresic is perhaps less well-known in the English-speaking world than the other Croatian "dissident" writer Slavenka Drakulic, which is unfortunate. Both Ugresic's essays and especially fiction are far superior to that of Drakulic. "Culture of Lies" includes the author's observations of Croatian society and politics of the last ten years, both of which have been none too kind to her (indeed, while achieving great acclaim in other European countries, she was branded a "traitor" and worse by Croatian politicians and the pro-regime press for her uncompromising criticism of Croatian nationalism, etc.). In this book, Ugresic shows the many ways in which nationalism imbued all levels of society in Croatia, making people increasingly hostile to different views and people who were/are "different." Her particular area of interest is the way this was reflected in the behavior of intellectuals, who-at least one would like to think-are not supposed to be as susceptible to the appeal of God-and-country patriotism and nationalistic kitsch. Her description of an incident in a Zagreb tram, in which a young man accosts and beats an old destitute drunken man, is particularly vivid and sadly indicative. In fact, this whole section of the book, called "Souvenirs from Paradise" is an excellent collection of impressions and observations of the underside of Croatian life. Despite the recent sweeping political changes in Croatia, many of the negative aspects of society in this country as described by Ugresic are still here, and they will haunt this country for some time to come.

It tells truth of thousends of people manipulated with mass media on Balkans. If you want an expert book on how wars started in ex-yugoslavia you should read this one.

Although it has taken the English translation of this collection of essays a few years to come into print (it was first published in Dutch),this is a highly relevant, illuminating, and moving book. Most of the essays were written between '92 and '94, with more recent postscripts. With rare clarity and complexity of thought, gift of articulation, emotional courage and absence of pretence or squeamishness, Ugresic has carried out a highly accessible investigation into the Yugoslav war, the demise of communist Europe, the East-West polarity, the ambiguities of exile. With references to other East European writers and thinkers (Milan Kundera, Miroslav Krleja, Danilo Kis, Josiph Brodsky), she explores the tyranny of the new constructs of national identity in the Balkan states, the enforced collective amnesia of the former Yugoslavs, the many traumas of their history, as well as the common psycho-cultural lanscape of the 'Eastern block'. There are many deeply moving episodes and revealing insights here, delivered in the familiar 'Central European' style of ironic, melancholic, bitter humanism. Vaguely reminiscent of Milan Kundera, only better because of the lack of smugness and the final doubting humility of someone who has felt intense pain and articulated the nature of this pain.

Gordy identifies the methods by which the Milosevic regime, which obviously provided few benefits to its people, nonetheless maintained its power. Gordy identifies these methods as the "destruction of alternatives-" the removal of alternative political ideas, or of cultural institutions, such as popular music, that would enable individuals to unite in thought in a manner distinct from, and therefore threatening to, the regime.

This is indeed quite valuable to students of Yugoslavia or Eastern Europe; its broader value, however, is its contribution to the larger issues of power studied by sociologists and political scientists. How is power maintained? We frequently assume that individuals will revolt if conditions are so bad they have nothing to lose. Gordy documents the ability of the powerful to actually take away this option. Most mechanisms, such as cencorship, make revolt more difficult, raising the pain level people will tolerate; however, by keeping the more politically savvy urbanites near starvation, the regime actually compromised their very ability to express dissent.

Gordy provides an academic and, to the degree it is possible in social science, empirical explanation of power that is profoundly disturbing; sometimes it may be impossible to displace the powerful. True, outside forces crippled the regime; but what does this suggest about the American line that local groups should revolt to demonstrate support for democracy and earn military support? Don't throw it out yet, but Gordy presents an important argument. It also helps explain the success of earlier brutal regimes; Haile Selassie used similar techniques far more adeptly, and therefore more brutally, in Ethiopia. This book is both an insightful analysis of the Serbian regime's tactics and a significant study of the nature of power.

Gordy's basic premise is that the rather unpopular, corrupt and war-mongering regime controlled by Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia during the 1990s retained its hold on power by eliminating any meaningful alternatives to itself. He provides a very detailed account of how this was done in the fields of culture, politics, the media and the economy. Since the book was written and published in 1999, when Milosevic was still in power in Serbia, the basic question posed by the study, i.e. how does he manage to stay in power, should be replaced with how did he manage to stay in power so long? Otherwise, this is a vitally important study, as the matters Gordy covers here illuminate many aspects of political culture in Serbia during the 1990s - and help readers understand the country's current political malaise as well. Despite the many changes that have occurred since Milosevic's fall from power, the legacy of the 'destruction of alternatives' he helped institute will continue to dog Serbian society for years to come (and, looking over the fence from Croatia, I have to add: just as the legacy of Franjo Tudjman still haunts and troubles Croatian society today and will continue to do so for the foreseeable future).

Struggling to understand how Slobodan Milosevic managed to tighten his grip on power in Serbia despite a disasterous decade of war and economic decline? Or would you just like to know why authoritarian regimes produce such terrible pop music? Eric Gordy's "Culture of Power in Serbia: Nationalism and the Destruction of Alternatives" is a good place to start for both questions. Though written before the war in Kosovo and Milosevic's subsequent fall from power, the book provides a useful framework for understanding both the durability of his regime and the fragility of its popular support. Prof. Gordy argues that Milosevic maintained power not through any skill in governing (the record on that score is pretty clear), but by systematically dismantling any alternatives that Serbian civil society could muster. As one would expect, Gordy covers in some detail Milosevic's attempts to co-opt, stifle and crush rival political parties and media organizations. What is unique about this book is the long chapter devoted to the underground music scene in Belgrade. The regime rightly perceived a threat to its political as well as cultural dominance, and rallied its forces behind a smarmy concoction dubbed "Turbo Folk".... This musical atrocity does not, of course, compare to those committed in Bosnia and Kosovo, but it is a chilling read nonetheless. Gordy clearly brings a mastery of Serbo-Croatian literary and musical idiom to this section. One wishes only that the book were accompanied by a CD. Though written from a sociological perspective, this book is full of lively if understated prose, and offers much to engage the non-specialist and general reader.

Bosnia has pretty much faded into the background of American concern. When the American Division of the NATO Implementation Force (IFOR) rolled in on December 1995, the spotlight was on Bosnia and Americans became aware of the military role that their forces would play in the Balkans. Out of the tragedy and confusion of war came a book entitled "Cry Bosnia" by Paul Harris which chronicled the war in Bosnia itself through words and pictures.

Inspired by the success of Cry Bosnia, Ruppert Murray decided to write a similar book which would focus on the peacekeepers themselves rather than the political elements of Bosnia. His idea was merely to write minimal text with pictures but as he began to interview the soldiers and have them share their opinions, backgrounds and experiences the book began to take a life of its own. IFOR on IFOR is the soldiers' stories of their perceptions of why and how they came to Bosnia and what they feel their presence will accomplish.

The book is divided into three sectors representing the United States of America Division, the British Division and the French Division. He interviews the men and women of the armed forces who candidly share their views with him. Listen to these young warriors as they share their apathy, hope, and naivite in sharing their views of their deployment. The voices are diverse within each division and you can see the differences of opinions that run from nation to nation. The insights you get are extraordinary.

On a personal note, I was deployed to Bosnia and stayed there for a year. Everything that you have read, heard and seen in these interviews are what I experienced with this group of international soldiers. I highly recommend this book to you in getting the story of the soldier. Six copies returned home with me and many more were purchased for friends and relatives. This is an excellent chronicle in pictures and words.

This book offers a valuable insight into the attitudes of military personnel who were stationed in Bosnia to implement the Dayton Accord. I have read many books on Bosnia which have fuelled my indignation at how the international community stood by and let the Serbs mount what is tantamount to a genocidal war against Bosnian Muslims. This book gives an idea of how military people felt about the Bosnian issue. Their attitudes range from the idealistic and noble to short-sighted and complacent ( in fact some will fill you with rage at their indifference). It is rare that one encounters a book dealing with a major historical issue which allows the ordinary person, albeit a soldier, to articulate their views so openly. The photographs are excellent and Mr Wolfe Murray's introduction is very insightful. It would, however, have been even more interesting to have a similar book which gives voice to those UN troops who were there at the height of the conflict.

The book was given to me by the author himself with dedication and as soon as I read it it became my absolute favourite. IFOR on IFOR has the largest accumulation of reviews, interviews and facts as well as interesting thoughts not only by the author himself but by the interviewed soldiers as well. As the author is in Bosnia from 1993, he knows the situation so if you need a close-up look on our rugged country check this book out.

Monica Seles is a good tennis player. She once was in 66th place, but she got better. She got stabbed at a teen tournament and had to go to the hospital. Then she could't play for a while. I thought it was crazy that someone would stab her.I like to play tennis myself, so I liked this book.

I read a lot of books about Monica. I think this book is for all people who already know who Monica is. And if you are a big fan of WTA and of a perfect tennis player like Monica is you should buy this book.

This book is awsome if you're a tennis player or if youjustwant to read about a great champion. It's about how Monica getsstabbed in the back by a wierd guy and how she is brave enough to start playing again. In my opinion everyone should read this book.

I read this book in four hours. It was compelling to find out how the story would end. I plan to use this book in my English classes as a teaching source. This book about a 14 year-old girl who journeys to safety is encouraging and emotional. I would recommend it to anyone and everyone, as I already have.

A very realistic story of fourteen-year-old Nina, a Yugoslavian girl, living in a village in the war zone. Her parents are dead and her favorite brother is in the army, so she lives with the grandfather, a war vetern, in the village where the family spent every summer. They live with a suitcase always packed. When trouble does come, grandfather tells her to go to the address found on a letter packed away in the attic. It was one of her mother's friends before she was married.

Grandfather tells Nina to chose very carefully the people she asks for help and then smile at the stranger. He feels it will be hard for a stranger to ignore Nina smiling and asking for help. Nina's journey to the English address is told with all the confusion typical to a normal fourteen-year-old who is forced to rely on the good will of complete strangers. She relives in her mind the good times with her best friend Anja who was killed and with her family in the happy days before the war. She pretends to be older than her age, but it is her innocence which shines through.

A strong, well-written story about a nice quiet teen with the courage to battle her way out of a war zone. A timely book on a country still torn apart by war.

While the reports out of the former Yugoslavia have focused onthe ethnic conflicts, as well they should, the ethnicity of the maincharacter, Nina, is a mystery to the reader. It is an effective plotdevice. It forces us to deal with the war through the eyes of anadolescent, who may or may not understand what's going on. We feel the war through her confusion.All we know is that she is in an awful situation.

I think the strength of this book lies in its voice. Although told in the third person, it's through the eyes of Nina that we experience everything. And there are times when Nina is not such a nice person. I really liked this aspect of it. Nina was allowed to remain an ordinary person, with ordinary foibles. She was not made into some saint who could do no wrong purely by dint of her being a victim--although it's very clear that she is a victim.

The author does a wonderful job of presenting a well-rounded, real person to us. And the effect is that it makes what happens to her less about the specifics of Yugoslavia and more to do with the fact that it could happen to anyone at any time if the circumstances are such. END

The author was an editor of Oslobodjenje, Sarajevo's independent newspaper that continued to publish daily throughout the 1992-1995 period that the city was besieged by Serb nationalist forces. The journal entries take in just the first 16 months of that siege. It is chilling to realize that the siege would continue for more than two years beyond the period covered by the journal-and that populations in some other cities and villages suffered even more than did Sarajevo's.

The stories of Sarajevo and Bosnia are breath taking. Mr. Dizdarevic brings to light the day to day struggle that so many residents of Sarajevo went through. Not only physically, but mentally as well. Sarajevo is a very beautiful city and is getting more beautiful as it gets rebuilt. I can not imagine what it would have been like to live these stories that Mr. Dizdarevic writes about. This is a must read book!

Written in the first years of the siege by an editor at Oslobodjenje, these poignant war stories, compelling descriptions, and perceptive reflections from a city under fire constitute one of the most authoritative testimonies of the entire Bosnian war. A powerful and often scathing articulation of Sarajevo's disillusionment with Western inaction and betrayal of international norms and values. (This short review is from "Book on Bosnia" published by The Bosnian Institute)