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Full of insight.
This book is STUNNING.The interviewer asks spiritual questions of each subject and the answers will have your mouth dropping open. I can't seem to hold onto this book; every once in a while I will buy a new copy, only to give it away again to someone I feel will be amazed by it too -- and they are. The interview subjects discuss heaven, hell, purgatory, God's peace, the visions, etc.etc. It's an amazing book, and will leave you feeling very good after reading it. I found it inspiring. [....] Right now it's my favorite book about Medjugorje.
Visions of The Children

A Fitting Memorial to Nazi Germany's Forgotten Victimsthought- provoking. I cannot figure out why a major publisher like Random House or Dell has not jumped at the chance to offer him a contract. His book compares favorably with historical novels by Hans Hellmut Kirst, a German veteran of the Second World War who made a career of writing stories about the German Army and the Nazis, in part derived from personal experience. In fact, >>Comrades<< is better than several of Kirst's later books, like >>Brothers in Arms<< and >>Nights of the Long Knives.<<
The story of a failed Office of Strategic Services mission to Yugoslavia and a twenty-year search for justice, >>Comrades<< is a memorial to Anglo-American prisoners of war who were imprisoned in Adolf Hitler's concentration camps. Mauthausen, Buchenwald, Sachsenhausen, and Auschwitz each held small numbers of "ex-prisoners of war," often in retaliation for escape attempts. In league with former Yugoslav and Italian resisters, Majors John Bowles and William Macnaughton hunt for German and Croatian war criminals who inflicted unspeakable tortures upon themselves and murdered their OSS Team (URBAN).
The author's personal experience give certain episodes in the novel a gritty realism. Born in Berlin, Esrati emigrated to Palestine with his immediate family right after Hitler's appointment as Reich Chancellor in 1933. From Palestine, his family emigrated to the United States in 1937, and Esrati served in the US Army just after the war. A one-time member of the Revisionist-Zionist organization, Irgun, which fought for Israeli independence, and a veteran of US Special Forces, his experience with clandestine activities and the idiosyncracies of the US Army during the Eisenhower Era make the story come alive. Since the publication of >>Comrades,<< Esrati has published a second novel which draws upon his personal experiences, >>The Tenth Prayer: A Novel of Israel<< (2000).
An excellent first offering, >>Comrades<< nevertheless contains several flaws. In Major John Bowles, the author succumbed to the temptation to create a larger-than-life protagonist, as is often the case in espionage novels. At times, it is difficult to imagine Bowles, a polymath whose experiences would fill three lifetimes: a dancer in the Andy Hardy movies, a runner in the Boston Marathon, and a member of the Special Forces, all the while leading the life of a Nazi hunter.
Another flaw concerns the fictional representation of Nazi atrocities. If >>Comrades<< commemorates Anglo-American victims of Nazi concentration camps, why then focus upon the OSS, whose members engaged in espionage and sabotage, and therefore had little reason to expect even the (albeit inadequate) protection granted to POWs under the Geneva Convention of 1929? Historical novels often focus upon the exceptional, and Esrati should be given some leeway for artistic license in this case. But OSS captives rarely survived the war; the Germans usually executed them as spies and saboteurs. An important exception was US Navy Commander Jack Taylor, who led a failed OSS mission in Northern Italy and was confined to Mauthausen until US liberation.
Esrati should be commended for discussing in detail the mass murder of American POWs at Malmedy during the "Battle of the Bulge," and for roundly condemning Senator Joseph McCarthy's subsequent misrepresentation of treatment accorded to suspected war criminals in US custody, but he errs in the assertion that there were former American POWs in Dora-Mittelbau. While future Saturn V Program director Arthur Rudolph oversaw V-2 guided missile production at Mittelwerk (central work), and allegedly witnessed in person in November 1944 a mass hanging from a gantry in that cavernous complex, the victims were camp resisters, not US POWs. Setting aside these criticisms, >>Comrades<< makes a fitting memorial to Nazi Germany's forgotten victims.
Couldn't put it down
Kudos

Good StartI think this book provides one with a good start to understanding the civil war in Kosovo. I think one would need more details to have a better understanding of what will need to take place for this area to live in peace. A good follow up would be to read Waging Modern War by Wesley Clark.
Greg Campbell - You're a great writer
A good quick read on the Balkans

Lame
A tribute to the troopsAny soldier still serving should pick up both these titles. Although I still can't stand the smarmy sight of Taylor on the television....I hope that he & Nolan are working on a new book soon.
Masterful work of military journalism!This book should be a "must read" for every citizen in Canada,-especially now that we are once again sending off our troops to War. Unless people realize how corrupted the system (not to mention the Officer corps) has become, there is little hope that things will improve in the rank and file. I had heard about this book years ago, but I felt that having "been there", it would not be of interest. I really wish now that I'd read it when it first came out!
I have already started reading Taylor and Nolan's first book,-Tarnished Brass:Crime and Corruption in the Canadian Military, and it is even more shocking and revealing.
These books are a must-read!


Fascinating - True AdventuresSome of the most interesting material discusses the inability of the US, UK, or Soviets to either create or find or support any indigenous resistance groups in Austria. Why? Several reasons, including the inescapable fact that Austrians were not so dissatisfied with the Nazi government, were less courageous than their counterparts in Yugoslavia, and were far more willing to lay low and wait for liberation rather than risk anything at all to hasten it.
The strongest chapters are the early ones, with Lindsay in the mountains of Slovenia, where he participates in the events he discusses. The book becomes noticeably weaker as the war winds down and Lindsay moves to Belgrade and is kept isolated by Tito and is unable to witness much of what he reports on. He does a game job of reconstructing events from other sources, but much of the immediacy and some of the credibility of the early material is lost.
The postwar political struggle for the (now-Italian) city of Trieste is fascinating. Tito coveted the city and its Adriatic access. The Yugoslavs were dogged, single-minded, and happily willing to engage in deceit to seize the city in the postwar settlements. Finally, Lindsay is entirely plausible in presenting the view that only the U.S.'s 1950 intervention in Korea prevented Stalin from attacking and subjugating Yugoslavia in the wake of Tito's break with the Soviet Union.
This is a strong book, not without flaws, but certainly enlightening and useful to scholars of the Balkans and World War II as well as to those who just enjoy a fascinating war adventure.
Well-written, informative
A Preview of 21st Century WarfareWhile I realize that one can not simply substitute the name "Afghanistan" for "Yugoslavia," I wanted to know if one could draw some more general lessons from our past experience - and who better to write about our past experience in such warfare than Franklin Lindsay!
Certainly the American news media is at a loss to explain not only the current dynamics but more significantly what tasks must yet be completed before we can hope for a stable, prosperous and free Afghanistan. By in large, the American media has not been able to get over the significant cultural differences. They simply aren't equipped.
And so I read Lindsay's book looking for far more than a ripping good adventure - and found it! While I can't claim to "understand" what to expect next from Afghanistan next, that is due more to the lack of good information. What I have now is a list of questions I believe critical to the overall success American foreign policy. I have a starting point. I have a framework, and I credit "Beacons in the Night" with helping identify for me the various key dynamics associated with fighting a numerically superior enemy and securing effective control over a large and diverse population.
America look out! The ground we trod has been crossed before. Listen and learn - the pitfalls are huge, but we can indeed succeed. Yugoslavia stands to serve as a beacon toward success - and a stark warning against failure.
What research! What an education! What a great introduction to the topic! What solid and enjoyable writing! This book was everything I'd hoped it would be - and more.
I recommend this book to anyone who wants a glimpse at the light at the end of the current terrorist-tunnel. This book isn't just history - it's an unflinching preview of 21st century warfare. ~Robert


Well-painted portrait of a tyrantMilosevic knew that too and betrayed Stambolic, his political mentor, to become president of Serbia. The important things here are the parallels and dissimilarities between Tito and Milosevic. Tito, a communist, wanted a united Yugoslavia, a nation of Slovenes, Croats, Serbs, Montenegrins, Macedonians, Muslims, and Kosovars. Milosevic, a nationalist, wanted a united Serbia, but only for the Serbs. And he wanted to be leader of all Serbs, meaning the Montenegrins, Serbs in Serbia, Bosnian Serbs, and the Krajina Serbs. He even told Milan Panic, Yugoslavia's prime minister, that he was the "Ayatollah Khomeini of Serbia. The Serbs will follow me no matter what."
The trouble with that was, the Serbs in those other areas already had their own leaders, such as Radovan Karadzic, so he had to discredit them or put them down under his thumb, which ultimately didn't work.
Some things that have come to light is the back door deal between Milosevic and then-Croatian president Franjo Tudjman, on dividing Bosnia between them. Milosevic didn't care if he lost the Serb-populated Krajina and Eastern Slavonia, both in Croatia, saying that he would repopulate Kosovo with the Serbs from those regions.
But when the chips fall down, Milosevic used nationalism to get power for himself. The beginning of the end came in the middle of the war in Bosnia, when he was beset by UN sanctions and the Western economic blockade. His own position eroding so he endorsed the Vance-Owen plan to divide Bosnia into ten cantons--3 Serb, 3 Muslim, 2 Croat, 1 (Muslim-Croat), with Sarajevo organized like Washington D.C. Karadzic was vehemently against it and split with Milosevic.
Milosevic was the "man of the hour" at the Dayton talks, in which he agreed to give Sarajevo, the holy grail to Bosnian Serbs, to Muslims, as well as division of Republika Srpska by the Posovina corridor. It was not his to give, but he did it to make himself the good Serb to the West and to cut the Bosnian Serbs down to size. However, this move alienated him from true nationalists such as Karadzic and militia leader Vojislav Sesejl.
Milosevic seems no better than a schoolyard bully. He torments the weak but upon facing someone stronger, backs down, as he did in Kosovo. It took the non-violent student group OTPOR to oust him, but that's another book, which I hope is well-researched and documented like this book.
Eichmann ReduxOne would expect a biographer to adopt the former, 'Great Man Theory of History' position, and a historian to adopt the latter position, with its emphasis on longer-term historical processes. The authors strike an appropriate mix between these two explanations. As the title suggests, they pull no punches in depicting Milosevic as the epitome of Machiavellian evil, but they are also sensitive to the details of the social and political environment which allowed him to rise to the top. As such, the book reads less like a biography than an in-depth political history of Yugoslavia between the late-1980s and the present, and is therefore of interest to students of political science.
Milosevic met his future wife Mirjana Markovic at high school in Pozarevac. They also studied together at Belgrade University. Mira studied sociology and was by all accounts an outspoken firebrand; Sloba studied law and was by all accounts a dull spirit and unoriginal thinker - perfect, it would seem, for a career in the Communist Party. Slobodan's political instincts were finely tuned to the times. He knew that to climb up the Communist Party hierarchy, he had to have a mentor. Ivan Stambolic, a friend from Belgrade University, played this role for Milosevic. Articulate and well-connected, he moved up the hierarchy, and by 1975, he was Prime Minister of Serbia. Crucially, he never forgot about Milosevic. Slobodan followed him nearly every step of the way, until the late 1980s, when he started scheming to replace his former friend in the top job.
It was at this point that Milosevic made his infamous conversion from communism to nationalism, with typical Machiavellian poise. In April 1987, Kosovo was about to erupt into civil unrest, with the minority Serb population complaining about their treatment by the majority Albanian population and threatening a mass exodus. Prime Minister Stambolic ordered Milosevic to visit the province in order to calm both sides down. To put it succinctly, he disobeyed orders. Instead of calming them, Milosevic declared to an angry Serbian crowd that "No one will defeat you again". The ecstatic response of the crowd must have seared into Milosevic's mind the importance of the nationalist card. Over the next months and years he assembled a coalition with the aim of protecting Serbian rights from being trampled by her neighbours.
The Serbian nationalist mindset seems to be a curious mixture of glorification of military defeat (the 14th century Battle of Kosovo was an enormous defeat for the Serbs) and a belief that her neighbours are unjustly benefitting from the bravery of the Serbs in defending their freedom. Of course, there is some merit in the idea that the Serbs have received the rough end of the stick for centuries and should not be subjugated simply to preserve some delicate balance of power, as Tito evidently intended. However Serbia, with Milosevic at its helm, was surely the central player in the collapse and civil war that took place in the 1990s. When it was clear that the country was disintegrating, Milosevic made a secret deal with Slovenia, to allow it to secede. After the unilateral secession of Croatia in 1991, Milosevic planned to incorporate large swathes of Croatia in which there were Serb majorities. Infamously, he united with Croatia's Franjo Tudjman to invade Bosnia-Herzegovina and divide the spoils.
Doder and Branson also alert us to the wider international context in which the civil war was played out. The United Nations, and the various peace envoys sent to negotiate truces, assumed that self-determination for the various 'parts' of Yugoslavia was not only the answer, but the right thing to do. In the process, the beliefs of the substantial minority of people who saw themselves as first and foremost 'Yugoslavian' (but were perhaps not as vocal as the extreme nationalists) were disregarded. One is reminded of the current centripetal forces in Indonesia, and whether the United Nations would support its break-up.
The authors also point to the significant support of Milosevic by the United States, perhaps an extension of the tradition in American foreign policy of supporting dictatorships if they bring stability to the region. Milosevic was depicted as a peacemaker at the Dayton Peace Accords - requests to America by the Serbian opposition parties for assistance in deposing him were rebuffed. Four years later, however, following the collapse of the Rambouillet talks over Kosovo, Milosevic was depicted as a warmonger and the full force of NATO was brought against his nation.
Milosevic: Portrait of a Tyrant is valuable book for students interested in Yugoslavia's post-war political history, particularly since the 1980s. Written in 2000, it obviously excludes the war crimes indictment and trial. This process alone will require another Eichmann in Jerusalem, although given his recent performance, the focus ought to be the farce, rather than the banality, of evil.
An invaluable biography of MilosevicDusko Doder and Louise Branson, therefore, have written the first definitive biography of Slobodan Milosevic. Although their work appeared some time before he was overthrown in October 2000 and later brought to justice in The Hague (obviously the biography is now in need of a little bit of revision in order for it to be up-to-date), it helped to place the Kosovo war into its proper context by focusing on Milosevic, who to all intended purposes, ignited the ethnic question in the Serbian province to his own advantage and did not balk at violating human rights toward transforming Kosovo into a province dominated by Serbs.
His early years, through his birth in Pozarevac, Serbia, on August 22, 1941, to his time at Belgrade University where he became a Communist Party member that played an important role in his development, are detailed in this biography. Emphasis is placed on Milosevic's two-faced diplomacy abroad and at home, where friends one day became enemies to be 'removed,' just like the people under his rule, seen through the wars in (respectively) Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo.
The biography is written and reads like a fast-paced novel, filled with all the almost unreal espionage and seedy characters to be ideally found in fiction. A study of Yugoslavia's demise is incomplete without Doder and Branson's magnificent and revealing biography; to date, there are other works coming out, and surely more will appear, but it remains to be seen if they surpass the current.


Uncomplete and datedExplained: the book is absolutely incomplete because it simply doesn't cover the north half of the country (about half the territory of Croatia). It misses towns like Sisak, Virovitica, Cakovec and it doesn't contain anything about the Osijek castle. I don't know why the writer ignored this part of the country, I suppose she might have liked the beautiful sea-shore better but this doesn't make an excuse at all.
Then: it ignores some significant towns near the Bosnian border, like Knin and Sinj, I know these places aren't the most likeable ones but they have a historical significance - these were the cities most affected by the civil war and these places are a part of Croatian history and quite an important one.
Moreover: even though she spent most of her time on the shore, what about Novi Vinodolski, Senj, Karlobag, Umag, Porec and the inner Istria? These places are worth discovering and there isn't a single word about them in the book.
It is dated, because it doesn't contain up-to-date information about the country. For example: if you drive a car (having a picnic in the countryside) or walking around you should be prepared for mine fields - there are still many of them in the country. These fields aren't on the map and they are near main roads, too. The section on driving is incomplete in another aspects, too. There are also other failures and mistakes that I don't want to list, it would be too long to fit into a review.
So I don't suggest anyone buying this book. Try something else. This time Lonely Planet is your worst choice.
Good, But Already Dated
Finally!

Ascetic Intellectual Meets New Ruling ClassWartime events led to misunderstandings with Moscow; they didn't realize that the resistance to the German and Italian invasion and occupation went on together with a domestic revolution. The latter caused friction with Great Britain (p.8). Moscow did not comprehend the fact that the Yugoslav Partisans grew into a regular army; Russian partisans were an auxiliary to their army. Tito's policy was to first look after their army and people, as in arranging an exchange of prisoners (p.10). The next was to form a new provisional government. While acting in their own interests, they followed the lead of Moscow (p.11). Djilas says their idolatry of Stalin resulted in an irrational acceptance of "unpleasant facts" (p.12). Djilas noted that Stalin's style was colorless, meager, and a jumble of vulgar journalism and the Bible (an ex-seminarian). Perhaps their hero worship was due to their need for a hero in their struggle against foreign and domestic enemies? Stalin's prediction of war's end in 1942 may have been a threat of a separate peace if no Second Front occurred.
In 1944 a delegation was sent to Moscow (p.13). It had a balanced ticket: General Terzich, Party leader Djilas, a financial expert, atomic physicist Savich, a sculptor.Djilas had never been to Russia and was not tainted with any "factional or deviationist past". They hoped to be recognized as the provisional legal government. Yugoslavia was famous in Russia for their 1941 revolt (p.43). Djilas' article were severely edited; were they afraid of a plain language code (p.44)? Stalin's army purges removed the incompetent and promoted younger and talented men (p.50). One day Djilas was told of an important matter; once in the car he is told he will meet Stalin (p.57). Stalin was of small stature and ungainly, with the white face of an office worker (p.61). Stalin spoke Russian well, but with an accent; he had a real knowledge of political history. Stalin had a sense of humor, and was very close to Molotov. Stalin spoke of 'Russia", not the 'Soviet Union'. While Stalin did not promise to recognize the National Committee as the provisional Yugoslav government, that was his favor. Stalin agreed to give military aid, but said an air base in Italy would be needed; it was soon established (p.64). After the Red Army reached Yugoslavia supplies came by land. Stalin warned Djilas of English duplicity, using the example of General Sikorski's plane crash (p.73). This may have decided Tito's flight to Rumania in 9/21/1944.
"Life is no respecter of desires or designs, but imposes patterns which no one is capable of foreseeing" (p.104). The "cult of the personality" caused this leader to disregard the changing needs and desires or others (p.106). (Another argument for term limits?) Stalin's behavior was no different from a tsar or hereditary king; Djilas expected better. Djilas writes a flattering description of Khrushchev, who was then in power (p.119-120). "No one can take freedom from another without losing his own" (p.133). Is this a principle or just empty rhetoric?
From idealogy to reality
A great little book

A PC optical illusionAlso, it is completely in line both with Goldstein's previous work on medieval Croatian history (a book and numerous articles), where he expounds his own "shrinking" and minimalist version of Croatian medievalistics (hopelessly wandering in the desert left by his former mentor, a self-appointed iconoclastic historian Nada Klaic (although he has gone far beyond her; he's elevated her quirky iconoclasm to Croatian hamartiology):
--Goldstein's previous work consists of a book (Hrvatska povijest ranog srednjeg vijeka/Croatian history in early Middle Ages) and numerous articles. They all show similar traits:
a) reductionsim ( Goldstein's misusage of early historical chronicles (Byzantine, Venetian, Frankish) is legendary). His mentor's (Nada Klaic) works had blundered this way, but not so radically. More- his pseudoscholium is based on free distortions of historical sources ("hey- this fits. I'll take it. Hmm. And-*this* must be wrong, some kind of mistake since it gives a mental fodder to nasty nationalists. Hence- I'll ignore this manuscript (Byzantine, Arabic, Venetian) altogether") without a clear argumentation- just pompous pronouncements). For instance, much more equipped historians like Stanko Guldescu, Ivo Peric, Tomislav Raukar etc. are in direct collision with his "findings". He hilariously chopped Croatia's territorry in 9th/10th century by more than 30-40%, with no argumentation whatsoever save a few dismissive remarks.
b) he consciously ignored some "unpleasant" facts about early Croat architecture ( complexities with Stonehengean astronomic resonances) and minimalized the worth of Croatian Renaissance and Baroque literaure (which is the best literary output of any Slavic nation in that period ( add the Danish or Dutch lit, for that matter)), although it lags behind masterworks of Renaissance Spain, France or England.
c) even as a medievalist Goldstein flunked. As a national history surveyor, his short book is a case of heavy misreading serving, as has been said, the new revisionism which tries to rewrite last 10 (or so) ex-Yu history as a sort of mixture of nationalist hysterics heydey and redistribution of "guilt" (not entirely- he knows some things are too transparent). His "treatment" of president Tudjman and his political maneuvres whereby Croatia acquired her independence virtually against the majority of "int. players" is instigated by his vitriolic hatred of all things Croatian that have even an angstromsize connection with the fallen Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Hell- he's always preferred Yu integrations. Under the guise of impartiality Goldstein sells his own agenda: good (but misinformed) internatonales, bad provincial Balkan chauvinists, ..... Just another pamphlet disguised as a history. Read Ivo Peric, Stjepan Antoljak "A Survey of Croatian History" or Marcus Tanner if you want something more reliable. In this case- academic credentials are just a smokescreen.
Difficult...This book may be a relatively unbiased account and I will assume that the details covered only the most significant events, however the presentation of this information was extremely difficult to follow. The book includes very few summary paragraphs to introduce broad historical movements and their impact before diving into often exceptionally detailed accounts of specific incidents. There was rarely an adequate summary or closure to a chapter. Some of the most important events were somewhat hidden and de-emphasized. No brief descriptions of significant historical figures and their impact were included. Their names were only briefly mentioned in connection to a specific event, then these figures were sometimes discussed later in the text as being important. IN addition, the order of events was not consistently chronological. More maps with greater detail would have given some of the additional guidance I had expected.
A reader more familiar with the region and some of the historical figures, the geography, etc., may have been much more satisfied with this book. I do not recommend it as an introduction to the country and its development.
The finest single-volume history of Croatia to date.

Great analysis
Elegantly written, reads like poetry
Dated but sobering.These were ordinary people; doctors, teachers, parents, etc. that grew up in the bosom of civilization, in Europe. They expected that civilization to shield them from the horrors unleashed by the Bosnian Serbs and were shellshocked when it didn't. Comprehension was beyond them, this simply COULD NOT happen at the end of the 20th century in the heart of Europe, but it did. The worst slaughter in Europe since the Holocaust, 250,000 dead. Why? Mr. Rieff comes to the same conclusion as most; myth and delusion. The Turk/Janissary/Handzar were coming for the Serbs in their beds, only, it was actually the Chetniks murdering and raping instead.
"Why did they murder a 70 year old Bosniac?
Don't you understand they did it because in 1389 the Turks beat Prince Lazar on the Kossovo Polje?"
GAAAH!
Because of when this was written it is a dated history but still very valuable because Mr. Rieff was there, as an American, whose perspective any American (Westerner) will understand. His disbelief and horror echoes your own. A horrible read in that it will make you want to weep but a great way to begin to comprehend what happened.
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